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| Defining areas of cooperation in Pak-Iran relations |
| Dr. Raja Muhammad Khan |
| Even during the period of less camaraderie of 1990s, there has never been a diplomatic impasse in the bilateral relationship between Iran and Pakistan. In order to perk up the old warmth in bilateral relationship, President General Pervaiz Musharraf visited Iran in December 1999. On that occasion, Iranian President, Mohammad Khatami, declared the relationship between the countries as, “profound and unbreakable, noting the two countries’ common cultural and Islamic foundations, -------undoubtedly, the two countries’ national interests are linked to one another and together we must strive to safeguard these interests”.
President Khatami further accentuated that both countries should be able to “neutralize divisive conspiracies” against them. Earlier in May 1998, Iran showed its concern on Indian nuclear tests by issuing a statement of President Khatami that; “we regret what has happened and are concerned about India’s nuclear tests”. He fully shared the Pakistani concerns and said that “we regard your security seriously and understand your position and the position of our brother, Pakistani nation. The security of Pakistan, as a brother, friendly and neighbouring state, is crucial to us. We consider their issue to be extremely important and will stand by you”.
However once Pakistan conducted its nuclear tests, Iranian Foreign Minister Mr. Kamal Kharrazi was the first foreign envoy who visited and congratulated Pakistan on successful conduct of its nuclear tests on June 1, 1998. He said that “now, they (Muslims) feel confident, because a fellow Islamic nation possesses the know-how to build nuclear weapons”. Mutual visits of the heads of state and high officials of both countries continued thereafter. In December 2002, Iranian President visited Pakistan and later Pakistani Premier Zafarullah Khan Jamali visited Iran in October 2003. More recently President Zardari has also visited Iran and both countries have signed a number of agreements of mutual understandings.
Apart from Afghanistan, both countries have been pursuing their strategic interest in Central Asian region. By virtue of their membership of ECO and Islamic in character, these countries have to be supported by their nearest neighbours and they have to decide their future course of action accordingly. Indeed, “within this new environment, it suits both Pakistan and Iran to build a closer, strategic relationship. Given the manner in which the strategic map is currently unfolding in Afghanistan and Central Asia, there are now common issues of concern for Pakistan and Iran. The major issue is the military presence of the US and its Western allies not only in Afghanistan but also in Central Asia. It is clear that the US bases in the latter are going to be of a permanent nature - at least for the foreseeable future. At the same time, the external presence of naval forces has also increased tremendously in the Persian Gulf region”.
Indeed the presence of NATO and United States in the region contiguous to Pakistan and Iran is not only keeping both countries under watch but is pressuring them on various pretexts. Iran is being pressurised to give up the development of its nuclear weapons programme and anti-Israeli policy, whereas, Pakistan is being pressurised for the safety and safe custody of its nuclear weapons. Through a number of misleading electronic and print media reports, a lot of qualms are being formed against Pakistani nuclear programme on daily basis. Both countries are being surrounded by the extra regional forces from ground as well as through US naval armada. “Given the military links between the US and India, as well as the Indo-Israeli military nexus, the threat is multiplied for both Pakistan and Iran. Also, along with the military buildup, one can assume that the US - which had effectively been left out of this region - will also try to re-assert its economic interests in the region, especially in the energy sector. This will also impact both Pakistan and Iran”.
There is a perception why IRGC is the main target of the Jundullah attacks? In fact over the years, because of the continuous disturbances in the province, Iranian Government has almost handed over the security of the province to IRGC who in turn has imposed strict security measures there. In some cases there are reports that the operatives of the group have been pushed up to the borders of Pakistan and Afghanistan, from where they then carryout their terrorist activities all along the border and inside Iran, especially on IRGC.
As far as this militant outfit is concerned, in an online telephonic conversation Abdolmalock Ragi, the head of the infamous Jundullah militant organisation told Rooz News agency of Iran that; “he considered himself an Iranian and the Baloch grievances must be settled within the present day Iran”. The organisation indeed comprises locals of the Sistan-o-Balochistan who considered that they have been ignored by the Iranian Government in almost all fields. Coloured in the Sunni sectarian group, the organisation indeed has elements that are professional criminals and are part of drug barons besides their strong linkages with foreign intelligence agencies. As per an Iranian intelligence officer, the people of the drug baron had even offered Iran with $1billion annually if unhindered flow of the drug and narcotics is allowed from Iranian boarders.
With regards to overcoming the domestic problems in Sistan-o-Balochistan, the province “poses a set of historical and strategic challenges that the IRGC - despite its best efforts - is unlikely to be able to overcome on its own. The province has been a headache for the modern Iranian nation-state for the past century and any multi-faceted strategic response must take stock of this troubled historical heritage”. Moreover, the border stretch of 1,000 kilometres between Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan is a rough terrain, making patrolling extremely difficult. This stretch is quite rottenly being used by drugs and weapons smugglers.
In spite of differing point of views of the two counties, there have been confidence building measures (CBMs), both at the state and people’s level, which did not let the derailment of the Pak-Iran relationship. Otherwise owing to factors like religious affinity, cultural linkages and economic compulsions, both nations cannot afford detachment from each other. In the changed strategic environment emerging from the concentration of global players in the region, Pakistan and Iran must come closer to each other for taking a common stance on issues of strategic significance like security which impinge both in different faces. There is a requirement that both countries should adopt steps for deeper cooperation in economy and security.
With regards to Afghanistan, the root cause of the differences, both countries are maintaining good relations with the elected government of Mr. Hamid Karzai. They also accept that people of Afghanistan should have right to decide their future as per their own wishes. Dealing with sectarianism in Iran and Pakistan may be left at the discretion of both governments as their domestic matter. Otherwise people of both countries have never considered inconsequential difference of opinions in religious matters as a hurdle in their bilateral relations. Otherwise, had wisdom prevailed, the anti-Muslim lobby should not have been allowed to play among the Muslims of various schools of thought (sects). Had Muslims ever interfered in the affairs of Protestant and Catholic Christian Schools of thought?
The first and most crucial phase in the Pak-Iran relations is the restoration of trust, which somehow or the other has been a missing link since 1988. For the restoration of the trust, there is a requirement of tangible measures like respecting each other’s sovereignty in true sense. The recently-concluded agreement on joint monitoring of the border should be implemented in true letter and spirit. To avoid the chances of illegal trade and smuggling by criminal gangs, there is a need to promote the legal and formal trade between both countries. The enhanced volume of trade would increase the stakes and bring interdependency between both states.
Cooperation in the field of defence production is yet another area which can jointly be undertaken by both countries and would address the security concerns of each. This cooperation can later on be extended to the Gulf countries, which would bring them closer to Iran, thus the existing gulf between Iran and Gulf region would be abridged amicably. Depending upon the level of cooperation, the existing dependency on Western weapon system would be reduced in the days to come. For the provision of technical expertise, China could also be incorporated in the joint venture of defence production as a partner.
Afghan Government and people should be taken into confidence by redressing their years old grievances against Iran and Pakistan. Through their cooperation, Iran and Pakistan must contribute in the re-construction of that war-ridden country. This step would help in bringing the overall stability of the region and minimize the chances of sporadic violence of each other’s territorial limits. Moreover, this would also keep the extra regional countries away from the region. In the reconciliation process each state must respect the national interests of other without compromising the Afghan’s interest. The nut results should be that; ‘diplomacy must get priority over the rhetoric and peace over the conflict’.
Think tanks, academia and media are some of the apparatus which can play a very positive role in bringing Iran and Pakistan closer to each other. Scholars must visit each other’s country more frequently. The existing level of people to people contact must be enhanced for the development of confidence among the masses. The platform of the ECO should be mobilised for the regional interaction, economic harmony and overall prosperity of the region. Over and above, the existing low profiled security and confidence building measures need to be set off on war footings.
Over the years, Afghanistan has been considered as a “strategic rear”, both by Iran and Pakistan, which perhaps misled both in 1990s, once both were endeavouring to secure their respective interests. Now once that phase is over, there is a need to learn from the past for a positive move forward through consensus building. Under the changed global environment, there is a need that both countries forget past annoyances and “forge a new long-term common vision reflecting their common security and economic interests”. The long and arduous route to defeat organised criminals, armed secessionists, political and religious extremists along Pak-Iran and Pak-Afghan borders lie in actively lobbying for the exit of foreign forces from the region and enhanced level of understanding among the Southwest Asian countries.
drmk_edu@yahoo.com |
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